The Papers of Mirabeau Buonaparte Lamar, Volume IV, part 2

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PAPERS OF MIRABEAU BUONAPARTE LAMAR

ternally made, we have nothing to do, after earnest protest and ex- hortation, but to assemble in convention and draw the line of separa- tion - a point to which the )forth would not like to see us travel, for she is too intelligent not to perceive that the Union is worth more to her than a corrupt and insidious mode of taxing us. Suppose they should endeavor to sustain injus•ice by coercion? This, I think, would be rather a bootless game for them to play. There does not exist on earth, physically, a more powerful military people than the people of the South, in all the essential elements that make soldiers, and good ones. The very educational training of our sons leads to such a re- sult. There is no squirrel, however small, locked in the umbrageous concealment in the top of the loftiest pine, who is safe from the rifle of our youth. There is no wild horse of the prairie they cannot tame into submission by mounting on his back, and even giving him his own reins. How would it be with the great sinews of war? What is the South worth? Her aggregate income is little short of three hundred and fifty millions of dollars, counting what is used for domestic consumption and export. Her exports amount to at least two hundred millions, domestic and foreign. She could support a fixed standing army of one hundred thousand for less than one-half of the tribute she pays to the North under the present impost system. That she could raise, equip and keep in the field an army of five hundred thousand men, to meet any extraordinary exigency, I think may be demonstrated by the most irrefutable figures. But let me pursue this painful subject no further. May God, in his mercy, avert all necessity for raising such terrible instruments of human vengeance ! It may be next asked: Suppose the other Southern States should refuse to join the league for over-throwing the present impost system, and securing effective guarantees against further slavery agitation, will you advocate the separate action of South Carolina? This is a momen•ous question, the solution of which I am not dis- posed to anticipate. When the exigency arises, it will be time enough for the discussion. Having, in great haste, glanced at the topics comprehended in this: great question, in which South Carolina may do herself immortal honor· if she wills it, I trust I may be permitted to say a few words in rela- tion to myself without an offensive self-love. I, therefore, beg leave distinctly to avow, that I have no desire to go to the Senate of the United Sta·es, except on a mission of high and effective service. If you will sanction my moving, by my elec- tion, in a direction, if possible, to ·overthrow the present revenue sys- tem, with all its revolting incidents, I will serve you with uncompro- mising fidelity and zeal. But if you are disposed to be acquiescent and submissive to the present state of things, I must decline the honor of being your Senatorial Representative. Private life will be far more in accordance with my inclinations, pride and taste. If, however, you should elect me under this declaration, I shall conceive that I have your warrant for moving, and I will move with the unfaltering step of the triumphal action of our State in 1832. We "scotched the snake" then; we will kill him now. Gentlemen, I do not feel myself entirely unworthy of your confi-

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