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P . .\rEr.s OF ~Im:rnEAU Buox . .\P.\HTE hDL\It
be regarded in reality as an evil, then it is the imperious obligation of this govrrmnent to reject it at once, without the slightest hesitation. But on the other haml, if it is a fair and cquitaLle convention, eutered into in good faith by both parties, with an eye to reciprocal benefits and to a general good, then the prompt adoption of it becomes a duty equally imperative; for it is well known that the political and pecuniary affairs of this Hepublic are in a condition which will not admit of inatten- tion and neglect. Something must be done; and done quiekly too; for there is not time to be lost - no time for quibling. Gra:;ping at the shadow, you lose the substance. - I am aware that one of the principle arguments against the treaty is, that it contains principles at varience with the honor and sovereignty of Nicaragua - that certain concessions are re- quired of her which she cannot make without discredit to herself - and that these very concessions may serve as a pretext for the future con, quest of the country. Nothing can be more remote from the true state of the case than this. I can perceive nothing. in that treaty dishonor- able to either party - nothing which the one might not reasonably ask, and the other as justly concede. As it appears to me, it is a plain, straight-forward agreement to open a commercial route from ocean to ocean through the Istmus, for the free use of the whole world; and surely we cannot easily conceive of a more noble and exalted enterprize; nor does the Treaty contain one solitary grant of power or privilege which is not indispensible to the accomplishment and maintenance of the great end in view. Blot out any one of the concessions made for the safety of the transit, and the whole enterprise is at once defeated for the want of adequate security and protection. - Where then are those insidious designs and dangerous principles so alarming to the minds of many? If the United States were desirous of conquering this Country they would not be wanting either in power or prorncation for so doing. There would be no necessity for resorting to stratagem and falsehood. But so far from cherishing such purpose, it is well known that the Independence and prosperity of all South and Central America has long been an object of their special solicitude. Did not my government bind herself, of her own free will, in the CLAYTON and BuLWER treaty, never to occupy any portion of Central America, nor exercize jurisdiction therein? And did she not require of Great-Britain to bind herself also in the like manner and to the same effect? - Great Britain had already possessed herself of an important Island belonging to Honduras; and was also vindicating the pretensions of the Mosquito King against the just rights of Nicaragua to a large portion of her val- uable territory. Have the rnited States eYer attempted such inrnsion and usurpation as this? On the eontrary has not my government strongly remonstrated against such aggressions; and did she not flatter her,ielf that by the Currox-BuLWER 'freaty she had forever seeured to all the Central American States, the undisturbed enjoyment of their rights of soneignty and soil? Upon what grounds then can it be contended, that the United States have insidously introduced principles in that treaty with an eye to the future conquest of this country? - And least of all ought Nicaragua to indulge in such an aecusation; - especially
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