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munication, inviting me to attend a Mass Meeting of those opposed to Mr. Clay's Compromise Bill, and in favor of the Missouri Line, to be held at Macon on the 22d inst. Coming as this invitation does, from many of my old friends, acquaintances and neighbors, in whose political sentiments and purposes I usually sympathize, it would give me great pleasure, were it in my power, which I regret to say that it is not, to be present on that occasion, and to take counsel with them upon the perilous circumstances in which our country is placed. - My desire to attend is not diminished by the fact that there would prob- ably be a diversity of sentiment upon some of the points involved, or that I might not be able to coincide entirely in all the measures ap- proved by the assemblage. Still as we would have one end in view - that of deciding upon the best means of secu[ring the righ]ts of the South, and [prese]rving the Constitution - and as we wo[uld equally feel] the magnitude and impor[tanre of the crisis, - we could not fail to [ ] spirit, and to separate, [ ] friends to each other and fo [ ] foes of our country This I am induced to say. bec[ause I] am not so fortunate as to agree with you in all your views, as I infer them from the tenor of your invitation. With the essential objects of the meeting I fully co- incide, so far as they are intended to preserve the connstitution, and to oppose the free soil aggression upon the rights of. the south. In your opposition to the bill of Mr. Clay, I heartily concur. But in the approval of the Missouri line of 36 30 I cannot unite. N everthe~ less, I hope I may be allowed to express freely my opinions and senti- ments to your assemblage, which I will endeavor to do with the frank- ness of a Georgian, and all the spirit of one who has no other desire than to share the fortunes of his friends, however, disastrous, and to fall with his country if the occasion requires it. If I know my own heart, it is far truer to the cause of our country than it is to its own tranquility and peace, and I wish it to beat no longer when it falters towards the land of its birth and affections. In the first place, gentleme~, I am opposed to all compromises except the compromise of the constitution. . When our federal constitution was formed, it was based upon a series of compromises, nicely adjusted, and covering all the diversified interests of the country, and harmonis- ing them in the only manner in which they could then or thereafter co-exist.- The south at that time conceded all that she could yield consistently with safety and honor, and received in exchange the guar- antees of the constitution and the plig-hted faith and solemn oaths of the North. At that time, this very slavery question was one of the great vexed and agitating issues, and its adjustment was one of the foun- dation timbers of the Union. Its settlement - exactly as provided by the constitution - was the very consideration of that instrument, with- out which it would never have been formed and upon the failure of which, it would of necessity become void. Conflicting- interests, pecu- liar institutions, social eaualitv and general security being thus recon- ciled and estllblished, and, as it was hoped, forever, the south felt her- self as safe in the enjoyment of her rights, as any blessings can be made secure bv human pled!!es. Th" Federal Constitution became to her a sacred charter, which like the Holy Writ, it would be profanation to increase or diminish.
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