WRITINGS OF SAM HOUSTON, 1846
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it not as a dependent Territory, but as an independent, coequal and confederated State. She had been created a State in antici- pation that she might so enter. She had not been raised from a state of childhood and dependency to independence, but it was stipulated that she should be incorporated into the Union on an equal footing•with the other States. Now, if Texas was in a state of equality with the other States of the Confederacy, might she not claim to have something like her just proportion and quota in the officers of the United States? Whoever would look at the Register would discover that there were fifteen hundred of such officers. If equally divided among the States, this would give to each State not less than fifty-six. Was Texas to be deprived of all participation in this privilege? Was she to be degraded from her equal rank with her siste-r States? And though it might be insisted that the navy of the United States had been called into existence and maintained and increased before Texas became a part of the Union, yet Texas, being now in the Union, would be called to bear her full part in supporting the expenses of the navy. If, then, she was not to be exempt from connexion with it in a pecuniary view, why must she be politically excluded? Either she had rights or she had none. If she had rights, she held them as a sovereign State; if she had not, she was no sovereign. Mr. H. contended that she had rights as perfect and to the same extent as any other State in the Confederacy; and if they were not accorded to her, she might well complain of injury and injustice. But it was maintained by some gentlemen, that to incorporate the Texan navy into ours would be to wound the honor of Ameri- can officers. Mr. H. denied that any such consequence would follow. The fact that the navv of Texas was to be incorporated into the navy of the United States on the same principle as Texas herself was incorporated into the Union, did not infer the intro- duction of unworthy persons as officers of her navy. This bill left the power of selection and nomination with the President of the United States. Were Senators afraid to trust him with the guardianship of the honor of the officers of our own navy, after twenty millions of freemen had elected him their Chief Magis- trate? Could they suppose that he would requite so generous a confidence by perfidy to any arm of the service? Surely not. But if this consideration did not form of itself a sufficient guar- antee, the Senate possessed one of a higher and more direct kind. All nominations of Texan officers must come before the Senate itself; and when those claims were presented here, would not
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