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WRITINGS OF SAM HOUSTON, 1846
465
prepared to concede; and opinions favorable to her pretensions will not be likely to lessen her demands. However, this I will say, that I never could consent to the proposition made by Mr. Gallatin-to the boundary of the parallel of 49°, with the naviga- tion of the Columbia riv.er accorded to England. Rather than vote for such a proposition, I would resign my place in the Senate. I am led to this determination for the reasons already stated. If the country is to be divided by an ideal line, the sooner it is done the better. But I apprehend if it should [not?] be done the evil will be felt by our children's children; and I am fearful that whatever is now done to effect that object will be but patch-work of the difficulty, and will inevitably lead to a rupture at some future day. I believe if this controversy is susceptible of satisfactory ad- justment, the present measure will attain that object; and I am free to confess that in giving my vote for the notice I would prefer, if it could be done, to take it in its most simple form without any qualification whatever. To what does the proviso amount? It is probably intended by some that it should be understood by Great Britain to mean no barrier to negotiation. I would leave that to be inferred, though I think it manifest. I would not state it in advance of the notice, as if it were placed there under the influence of fear. Has England ever adopted such a course?-or is America to set such an example? I would give the notice respectfully and with the utmost decorum, but I would leave its qualification, if any, with the Executive. I would not trammel the President; I would not have the head of this nation manacled; I would leave him free, because he is responsible to the American people, and his acts to the revision of this body. Let him be left free to conduct the negotiation, for we have nothing to do with treaty making. We have the power of ratifica- tion or rejection. The President alone is charged by the constitution with negotiations and international correspondence. He knows the course and progress of each, for they are conducted under his direction. When he has performed what he believes to be his duty, the power then results to the Senate to approYe or dissent from his action. But we have no po\',,er to mould a treaty, or to direct the President on what terms he shall, or shall not, treat. Therefore I would consider it disrespectful to him to attach any qualification to the notice. No co-ordinate branch of the government can take so clear and comprehensive a view
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