360
WRITINGS OF SAM HOUSTON, 1859
Court having decided in the Dred Scott case, upon-the unconsti- tutionality of the Missouri restriction, it only remained to apply to Kansas the doctrine of non-intervention. While I have main- tained the compromises of the Constitution, I have ever contended in the application of a doctrine to territory acquired since, that "the only question which should be asked of a State when she knocks at ou1· doors /01· adrnission, should be: does he1· Constitu- tion conform to the national requirernent. Is it republican in its character?" The support I gave to the compromise measures of 1850 proves my devotion to this doctrine. In the decision of the Supreme Court I acquiesce, because I regard it as a coordinate branch of the government, upon whose decision we may rely with safety. Without an examination into the details of its action, I take it for granted that it is right. Regarding it as the only authorized power under the Constitution to adjudicate such questions, the moment its decision is proclaimed, it becomes a legal finality. Upon the question of the constitutionality of the Missouri compromise, I had never declared a favorable opinion. Now that it is declared to be unconstitutional by the Supreme legal authority of the land, I acquiesce in it and have done so from the first. Previous to my introduction of resolutions pending for a pro- tectorate over Mexico, the prominent party journals of Texas were loud in their demands for intervention in the affair of Mexico, in order to maintain our interests there. Mr. Buchanan had given the measure his sanction in his annual message, and no marks of disapprobation had been manifest; but when I pre- sented the subject to the Senate, there was a complete revolution in the sentiments of these men. The very measure which they had before deemed advisable was now a free soil scheme. Was the measure any the less just because I introduced it ,or must Ameri- can interests and American expansion be given the go-by because I, in my capacity as Senator, and in the discharge of a duty I owe my country, urge their claims upon the notice of the Ameri- can people. The object in view in establishing a protectorate over that unhappy country, needs but little explanation to convince all of its utility. Mexico has been for near half a century torn by distracting elements. Her situation appeals to us as her near neighbor to interpose in the name of humanity and good govern- ment. The crisis in her affairs has been approaching, it is even now at hand, when her people mad with anarchy and misrule, will disgrace the character of this century, by bloodshed, de- bauchery, and riot. Unable to maintain a stable government for
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