WRITINGS OF SAM HOUSTON, 1843
487
Body. Thus the constitution leaves no room for "excitement"; for before our institutions could be jeoparded, if the Executive were silly enough to attempt such a thing, the infallibility of Senatorial excellence must cease and two thirds of that Body become as corrupt as this preamble and resolution would seem to imply the President might possibly be. A proposition has never been made by this government to any other affecting our nationality, since the year 1836, [1837] when it was proposed to merge our separate existence by annexa- tion to the United States. If every syllable of the international correspondence of this government with other powers, were exhibited naked to the world, the Executive is confident it could not fail in securing the approval of the people to the ability, indm:try and integrity of the gentleman who is at the head of the Department through which such correspondence is conducted. That the people have a right to inquire into the conduct of their representatives, that they may be enabled to judge of their motives is a correct principle; but that they wish to obtain information which, if made public, would operate to the prejudice of their interests generally, I am not disposed to believe. Nor was it ever con- templated by our fellow citizens that the representatives whom they elected should supervise the correspondence necessary to be maintained by this country, and assume the treaty making power. If such had been the fact, a provision for that purpose would be found in the constitution. But this power was delegated to the President and Senate. The Senate are the constitutional advisers of the President; but they are not to dictate to him what corre- spondence to hold or what policy to pursue. They have the power, by a constitutional majority to negative his recommendations, but not to dictate his policy. Suppose, for a moment, that, in compliance with the preamble and resolution in question, the President were "to recall the special messenger and delay his departure until the matters com- municated through him should bP. made known to Congress, and such action had thereon as should be deemed advisable," what would be the consequences to the country? Would it be rendering obedience to the constitution, or to any law or custom? I think not. If such a right were conceded as that assumed by the preamble and resolution, one of two things must be the consequence here- after-either that Congress must remain perpetually in se:-·ion
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