442
WRITINGS OF 5AM HOUSTON, 1857
would be some fairness in it. No man knows so well the value of his property to himself as the owner. What may appear very indifferent to persons not immediately connected with it, to him is inestimable. He may have attachments to it. It may be his home, or his place of business, of great consequence to him. He may have in his mind designs of improvement. Here you propose to deprive men of their property, and to pay them what the valuators may say it is worth, without their having any voice in the matter. I have before me a memorial from one of the property-holders concerned, and I ask that it may be read. [We omit the memorial. Houston states its substance.] Mr. Houston. I have no doubt that the committee intended to do what seemed to them fair and reasonable; but I find here a proposition that if the freeholders who are to be dispossessed do not actually receive the money within fifteen days, it is to be the duty of the Secretary of the Interior to make a title to the United States. I see also, "upon the ·property herein and hereby appropriated for public use becoming vested in the United States, as provided in the third section of this act, the Commis- sioner of Public Buildings is hereby authorized to enter and take possession of the property so appropriated without suit or process." The Commissioner of Public Buildings is to have power to turn men, women, and children into the street heels over head, and throw their furniture with them if his humanity may require that sacrifice of generosity on his part. They have no alterna- tive, no appeal. They are given no opportunity to be heard. The commissioners are not to be drawn by lot from a body of twelve or fifteen or twenty-four men, but they are to be specially appointed. I think I have not witnessed on any occasion in this body a more direct attack on the rights and liberties of citizens than is contained in this proposition. The Government, I know, is all powerful, and Congress has power to invest others with authority sufficient to oppress any citizen. In making the grand and magnificent extension, prompted, I presume, by the over- flowing condition of the Treasury,~ it seems to me we should pro- ceed with some caution, and should take some care to protect the citizen against aggression or oppression. I am not disposed to occupy the time of the Senate. Senators having had their attention called to this matter, will be enabled to decide it. I trust that until some investigation shall be had, until Senators shall have had an opportunity of reflecting upon
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