216
WRITINGS OF SAM HOUSTON, 1855
that slavery would go into the territory. Mr. Badger introduced an amendment, or the bill never would have passed Congress. And after all the intrigue which Mr. Pierce has used to secure the passage of the bill, his political hospital has been full to over- flowing ever since. He has provided for some of the dead, but many of the wounded remain uncared for. That is not all. The Kansas and Nebraska bill provided for but one territory at first; but one territory would make room for but one Governor, three Judges, one Secretary of State, and a little amount of small pat- ronage. So, it was concluded therefore, to organize two terri- tories. Certainly one was enough, for there was not a single settler in all its vast limits-but it was determined that two ter- ritories should be organized. These two would give office to two governors, six judges, two secretaries of state, some marshals, and a double portion of money to pay salaries and supply a suf- ficient fund for stealing. [Laughter.] Well, fellow-citizens, I opposed it. What were the details? What were the conse- quences? It was solemnly declared that any man emigrating to that territory, no difference if he had not been in the United States more than five days (and it requires about five days to sail from New Orleans to that territory), should have the right, after remaining there for six months, of voting and being entitled to a reservation of land. It made no difference where the emi- grant came from, whether from the shores of England, or Ger- many, no matter if he were a convict, if you please, reeking with the fumes of European prisons, he was admitted to equality with the most respectable citizens who might go there. I opposed the bill on the grounds that if we were not as good as we ought to be, we were better than European convicts. I would have given Americans a decided preference, though it is unpopular now-a- days. [Laughter.] Fellow citizens, it is said that the states have a right to regu~ late suffrage, and to determine who shall be voters within their respective states. The Constitution declares that Congress shall have power to pass uniform naturalization laws. Now, the question arises can a foreigner be a citizen of a State, who is not a naturalized citi- zen of the United States? And would it be legitimate to invest him with the rights of suffrage until he has become a citizen under the Constitution? Now, I would inquire if there are not a great many advocating extreme measures on this subject? It does seem to me that it is in contemplation to surrender ourselves
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