39
WRITINGS OF SAM HOUSTON, 184,8
that you will forthwith communicate the yiews here disclosed, to the government of the Republic of Columbia, which he hopes will see the expediency, in the actual posture of affairs, of forbearing to attack those islands, until a sufficient time has elapsed to ascertain the result of the pacific efforts which the·great Powers are believed to be now making with Spain." This occurred at a time when other Powers were endeavoring to bring about a pacification between Spain and her colonies. But the principles laid down in the extract are conclusive to niy mind, that if it should become necessary, the Government of the United States was prepared to interpose by force to prevent the contemplated invasion of those islands, or why did the Secretary speak of "an irresistible sense of essential interest," that the Government of the United States "would be called upon to enter- tain of their duties in the event of the contemplated invasion of those islands?" The truth is, the Government of the United States were determined that the attack should not be made by those Governments. And why so? Because it was to affect our interests, either immediately or remotely; and if the kind lan- guage of diplomacy had not proved influential, an armed force would have restrained those Powers. If similar movements had been contemplated by any of the European Powers, on islands connected with that continent, is it to be supposed that the Government of the United States would have interfered with any designs connected with them? Then why was this interest manifested in relation to Columbia or Mexico? Upon one ground only; and 'that is, that it was connected with the principle declared by Mr. Monroe, and the interests of this Republic. Upon any other ground, it would have been regarded as officious intermeddling with the affairs of other Powers. Other declara- tions were made of a similar character at that day, recognizing the principles laid down by Mr. Monroe, and the same which have been reiterated by the present Executive. It is a principle that never has been questioned by an American statesman. And, although the extent to which interference may be proper has not been defined, we must be regulated by our true policy, that is not violative of our Constitution. To my apprehension, true policy would enforce upon the United States the propriety of taking possession of Yucatan, if there is even the slightest possibility of its falling into the hands of any other nation. If a foreign Power should possess it, with an able force at its command, ·it could at any time cut off our commerce
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