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WRITINGS OF 5AM HOUSTON, 1853
Hungarians, of men who struck for liberty, and failed for want of numbers sufficient to have achieved their independence, he would have been entitled to the immortality of Tell; or if he had perished in the attempt, he would have been gloriously embalmed in the hearts of all lovers of liberty. But, sir, he had no such proud trophies. He was supremely pecuniary in every- thing. The dollars, and the contributions, and a splendid retinue, with a body-guard, to march him through the land, were all that he cared about. He marched through the country with a body-guard, whereas there is but one shield needed in this country for any man. An honest and manly heart will protect him always. I cannot let these things pass, because I admire true patriotism. There is now a man in this city whom I cannot pass by unnoticed. He is one who, though unfortunate in rebellion and unadvised in his action, was young, ardent, and generous. Contriving for no place of refuge, he was taken in the fact. I refer to young Meagher, an Irishman. He looks like a hero, and bears the stamp and image of a man. He asks for no money; he wants no "material aid" to retire upon, and become Mr. Smith in England, [laughter,] as it is said Kossuth has done. Sir, much as I admire the patriots who strike for liberty- much as I admire the noble people whom Kossuth purported to represent-much as I admire all men who have struggled even unfortunately or misguidedly for liberty, no matter where- much as I admire the promptings which actuated them, and love the cause in which they have been engaged; yet when a man proves recreant to a noble cause, forgets his people, lives in comfort, splendor, and display, while they have to bite the dust or gnaw the file in agony, I have no sympathy for that man. After the arrival of Kossuth, another set of resolutions was introduced. It was contemplated, I believe, then, to interfere in the affairs of Europe merely by a proclamation on paper, not seriously to interfere; for it was said it would not be regarded by them as any interference, and would be no provocation. Suppose it had been well received by them, would they not have had an opportunity of reiterating upon us, "You know nothing about our business, and you have interfered in things with which you have no concern. It is no principle in your creed; it is nowhere laid down that you should interfere in European affairs"? We find this Monroe doctrine, as it · is called, enforced by an extract from a letter of Mr. Jefferson, on which the declaration
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