39
WRITINGS OF SAM HOUSTON, 1826
had all the information been submitted. They will reason from false premises. They will say such and such things will be bene- ficial to the country; such is the information submitted to us, and our conclusion, it is evident 1 is right, and the measure must be adopted. This goes out to the world. The presses teem with outcries against the Senate; they charge that body with all sort of things, unknowing what their real situation is. They find they will be ruined unless they concur in this measure, and they adopt it with all its train of dire consequences; and in what a state would not this nation be? And if this princip!e attains at all, in discussing subjects here, and sending them out to the world, that re-action may take place on either department of the Govern- ment. Mr. H. said he knew not where the ruin was to be staid. Whenever a subject is legitimately brought before this House, it would be, then, their business to act on it, and they would require all the information connected with it. If they could not get all the information, they would endeavor to get all that was proper to be submitted to this House; but he thought there was a remedy for an evil that might be anticipated to result from a communication of all the documents to the House. The gentleman had told them they might consider themselves as the confidential friends of the Executive. If they were so in their political and not in their personal relations, would not an injunction of secrecy confine it to the bosoms of the assembly alone? Could they not keep a secret, when they perceived that its disclosure would be ruinous to the vital interests of the coun- try? Was it not safe here? Were there any traitors amongst them who would disc!ose them to a foreign Power? He could not believe it. The evil, therefore, likely to attend on a full disclosure of all the documents to this House, would be at once remedied. They would have them before them, and when called O:tJ. to act, they would have data on which to act. Confidential communica- tions were made to the Senate, and he did not see why this House should be less entitled to complete confidence. He, therefore, thought that in the future, when any information was called for it might be sent in safety to the House. The nation's rights and the rights of individuals, would be secured by it; and the responsi- bility of the President would not be greater than in a communi- cation to the Senate, of a similar character. He could not see the necessity of quibbling about this full communication to this House, if it was required. When a proposition was made, after a thorough investigation that he was violating no principle of duty,
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