WRITINGS OF SAllI HOUSTON, 1826
36
the People are represented, and where every man has liberty of conscience guaranteed. Have we not all that in the United States? and is it not one of the choicest excellencies of our institutions? Is it one that we can dispense with, and any longer call ourselves free? Our freedom, without it, would be a name without sub- stance, a shadow without reality. Unhappily, those other coun- tries are not so circumstanced. Here we can approach the altar, and worship the Divine Being in our own way, according to our own consciences. But there it is far different; there an estab- lished religion exists, which is far from feeling calculated to pro- mote liberty in any country, but rather to impede and embarrass its march; and while it exists in any nation, that nation cannot be free; for it is a fundamental truth, that, if you trammel the mind of man, and chain his conscience, he is no longer a free man, but the worst of slaves. It is not so with us; every man in this country cherishes the hope of a future state, directed by his own judgment and the lights of reason or revelation. There, it is far different: the light of reason he dare not exercise, and revelation is shut out from his view- it is to him perfect dark- ness. The honorable gentleman from Louisiana must be some- what mistaken, Mr. H. said, in this particular, when he says they have the purest principles: for he insisted that without free exercise of religion, without a choice in the mode of worship, no civil liberty could exist, in reality, though it might in name. We are told, said Mr. H., that, in this invitation given to our Government, we are not asked to commit ourselves. But, would it not have such a tendency, were we to send our Ministers there at any time, and a proposition be made in the assembly which we should not think proper to agree to? Perhaps the other Powers would propose an alliance, offensive and defensive; and if they should, and we should refuse to accede to it, the act of going there and appearing in the assemb!y, would be a commitment on our part, and the consequence might be an exasperated feeling towards us. Mr. H. begged leave to dissent from the opinion, that it was absolutely necessary that we should, at this particular time, send our Ministers there. The House had been told that no evils would result from it; but he thought that must depend very much upon the nature of_the instructions which would be given to our Ministers, and the discretion of their conduct under these. instructions. It might ·be prejudicial if they went too far; and even in sending them there we might go too far. We are told it is necessary, in reference to some of our Southern States, and the
l I
I
Powered by FlippingBook