PAPERS OF MIRABEAU BuoNAP,\RTE LAMAR 497 and should not spring from motives of hatred or of vengeance. Jus- tice is a holy and immutable principle. Vengeance is a strong and vindictive passion. Suppose the gentleman , ho has advanced this argument, were sitting on the bench elad with the robes of justice, and a notorious murderer was arraigned before him for trial; would he be guided in his decision by vengeful feelings or by abstract consid- erations of justice? Agreeably to his own doctrine, the prisoner would be his first, for vengeance, then for policy, and lastly for justice. · What would we think of a judge who would act upon such a principle? And what shall we now think of the principle itself, when urged upon this floor 1 If it be wrong and unsound on the bench, it is equally so in the senate! And if permitted to influence our conduct here, why not there, and every where? The same reasoning applies to the gentle- man's position about policy. 1\fy notion of morals will not permit me to pursue any course other than that which principle points out. If policy runs parallel with this ad<>pt it, if not I reject it. But what is policy? ·Sir, there are two kinds of policy. The one a short sighted policy that aims at some immediate and temporary good, only. The other a broad and comprehensive policy that looks beyond the present good to future consequence . A patriotic Athenian once said to his people that there was a secret measure of great importance which he wished t~ comm1micate, but that it would not do to confide it to all, whereupon it was univer ally agreed that it should be dis- closed to Lycurgus; this was aecordingly done. Lycurgus then pre- senting him.self to the multitude, said: "Athenians nothing can be more beneficial to our country than the measure proposed, and yet nothing can be more unjust.'' At this every voice exclaimed let us be just no matter what good we lose or what injury we receive by so doing. Accordingly the Grecian fleet, which had been secretely moored in the bay was permitted to depart without being destroyed as was proposed by treachery. Here, sir, was a field for the adoption of either of the kinds of policy of which I speak, ,by burning the enemy's fleet. Athens might be saved, and its liberty secured, it was there- fore politic to do it; this is that short sighted policy. But by suffer- ing the fleet to escape rather than destroy it by improper ac~s, the sacred principle of justice was preserved, and this is what· I call policy in its enlarged and comprehensive sense! Indeed Ir. president after all, there is nothing truer then fue old proverb, that honesty is the best policy. No other kind· shall ever govern my conduct. Let the gentleman from Brazoria then consult vengeance first, and policy next. But I will consult neither one nor the other. I will look with a single eye alone to justice, which in my mind is the best policy in the long ru,n. The gentleman's reasoning is this, Santa Anna immediately after the battle of San Jacinto was ours for vengeance, but inasmuch as we did not take it then, but made an armistice ,vith him, we have no right now to gratify that feeling. I answer that there existed no right to gratify that feeling either then or now, the passion is one that should have no influence in the senate chamber, the court house, or the jury box. I maintain that we should deal with him agreeably to the rigid and sacred principles of justice. But the gentleman tells
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