The Papers of Mirabeau Buonaparte Lamar, Volume I

472

TEX.\S ST.\TE LJBR.\RY

cheri~ among you tl1e growth of social affection. By these means, you will not only render y0urselYes more worthy the station you occupy, with higher qualifications for its duties, but you will be doubly useful, by way of example, and happier within yourselves. At a time when licentiousness prevails in debate, he makes the best use of the freedom of speech, who abuses it the least. But there is another evil of a more serious and alarming character- a vice of giant powers, and the parent of ten thousand crimes, against which, not only yourselves but the whole people of Texas, should guard with the utmost vigilance and firmness. Do you ask what it is7 I answer, P AHTY; by which I mean the organization of a greater or smal~number of people, for the political elevation of favorite indi- viduals, and for the support of measures, originating in passion or interest, and prosecuted from motives of gain, revenge or personal aggrandizement. Liberty has not a greater foe, nor despotism a better friend. As a deliherath:e body, it will be impossible that you can all think alike. You will have to canvass the claims of men who seek high and responsible offkcs-you will have to pass upon individual rights-enact general laws-and adopt a system of measures for the support of government and defence of the country. In your vario11s labors, divisions amongst you must necessarily arise, which will become more marked and impassioned, in proportion to the importance of th.e subject; and so far as such division may be considered as party, it is not only harmless, but an inseparable concomitant of duty, and inter- woven in the whole system of our government. But this is not the common acceptation of the term. Party always implies something selfish. It cannot exist without organization and a head. If each member of this body-shall think for himself independently, and fol- low the guidance of his own reason, there can be no such thing as party for the want of coherence and concert of action. But if any certain number of members, -any partictllar set-shall habitually surrender their opinions to some common leader, who shall think for all, ancl give direction to their political course, what do they become, but mere instruments in the ha:nds of designing and ambitious aspir- • ants1 ,vould they not, by such a servile or selfish surrender of thought and action, cease to be patriots by sinking into partisa,Jl.~ F Ile whose conduct is inspired by public spirit, and whose efforts are regulated by the principles of honor and justice, is the trne patriot. 'fbc partizan is he whose purposes are low and selfish-whose menus arc immoral-whose argument is violence-who, yielding his conscience to the keeping of some "Mcagnus Apollo," hopes by mean servility, and a ready facility in dirty work, to climb into factitious importance and infamous distinction. Docs any question of public policy al'isef He lahours not hy patient investigation and reflection to ascertain whether it be sotrnd in prineipfo ancl salutary in prnctice. He ne,·cr asks, ls it rig1111 ls it U'rong1 His enquiries nre limited to n solitary question-Wltnt saith ,mr leaded If he approve, it is rig"ht; if not, it is \\'l'Ollg'. Than such a "public servnnt," I cannot t>oncei\'e nny thing more dctestnble; and surely the legislation of n country cannot be eonfidrd to more unworthy hands. Yet such is the common ehar- :ncter of the pnrti1.an-th11t pseudo patriot-who is frequently nble to sustain himself in free republican governments against the assaults

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